WASHINGTON — In June 2016, five months before the American presidential race, Julian Assange made a strong forecast amid a little-saw meet with a British TV program.

“WikiLeaks has a major year ahead,” he stated, only seconds in the wake of reporting that the site he established would before long be distributing a reserve of messages identified with Hillary Clinton.

He was correct. In any case, an arraignment unlocked on Thursday charging Mr. Assange with scheming to hack into a Pentagon PC in 2010 makes no notice of the focal job that WikiLeaks played in the Russian battle to undermine Mrs. Clinton’s presidential possibilities and help choose President Trump. It stays indistinct whether the capture of Mr. Assange will be a vital component to opening any of the waiting riddles encompassing the Russians, the Trump battle and the plot to hack a race.

The Justice Department invested years looking at whether Mr. Assange was working legitimately with the Russian government, yet lawful specialists bring up that what is thought about his exercises in 2016 — including distributing stolen messages — isn’t criminal, and in this manner it is hard to convey charges against him identified with the Russian impedance crusade.

Various huge inquiries are left unanswered, including what, on the off chance that anything, Mr. Assange thought about the character of Guccifer 2.0, a secretive programmer who American insight and law authorization authorities have distinguished as a front for Russian military knowledge agents.

Court archives have uncovered that it was Russian insight — utilizing the Guccifer persona — that gave Mr. Assange a great many messages hacked from the Democratic National Committee and the individual record of John D. Podesta, the director of the Clinton crusade.

Another inquiry is whether Mr. Assange was a course between the Russian programmers and the Trump crusade. Mr. Assange traded messages with Donald Trump Jr., Mr. Trump’s oldest child, amid the battle, and a Trump crusade official sent Roger J. Stone Jr., a long-term guide to the president, to get data about the hacked Democratic messages, as indicated by a January arraignment by Robert S. Mueller III, the extraordinary guidance.

Mr. Mueller finished up his examination without an arraignment that legitimately associated WikiLeaks, the Russians and the Trump crusade, proposing that investigators did not discover adequate proof that Mr. Assange intentionally occupied with a connivance with Russia to enable the Trump to crusade.

Be that as it may, the report drafted by Mr. Mueller’s group, and expected to be discharged one week from now, could have extra insights concerning the ties between the Trump crusade and Mr. Assange. Those subtleties could be redacted by the Justice Department, be that as it may, if authorities trust the material incorporates grouped knowledge, said Carrie Cordero, a previous authority with the Justice Department’s National Security Division and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence

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